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Background

Background information on Aristotle:

Aristotle was born around 384 BC in Thrace. His father was the court physician to Macedon.
At the age of eighteen Aristotle travelled to Athens to learn at Plato's Academy and remained there until Plato's death around 20 years later. He subsequently became the tutor of the young Alexander the Great until Alexander reached the age of sixteen and became regent of Macedon. Bertrand Russell suggests that Aristotle had little if any practical influence on Alexander; however this is repudiated by historians such as JR Hamilton.
Aristotle lived out almost the rest of his life in Athens, probably writing most of his books and teaching during this period. After the death of Alexander the Great in Babylon the Athenians revolted against Macedon and turned on those who were seen to be friends of Alexander, forcing Aristotle into exile. He died the year after, in 322 BC.

Sources:
Russell, B. History of Western Philosophy. 1942 (2007 reprint)

Hamilton, J.R. Alexander the Great. 1974

Aristotle, like Thucydides, believed conflict between human beings in social life and politics to be inevitable. This theory influenced the theologian in the Middle Ages, St. Thomas Aquinas. In relation, Aristotle also believed that while strife and conflict are permanent features of comunal life (intra and inter communal strife) he believed the political community has the responsibility to act in accordance with the welfare of every human being -- not just its citizens. He did not think it appropriate to conquer and rule other regimes, because it is denying other human beings their freedom and status as fellow humans. He did however believe that defensive war was perfectly permissible.
Source? - xmarquez xmarquez Jul 24, 2008

Readings

Summary

Book 3
Chapter 1: What or who is a citizen?
Aristotle begins his book with the definition of citizen, because they “compose the state”.
He first explains who is NOT a citizen. “A citizen is not a citizen because he lives in a certain place”, which means that resident aliens and slaves are not citizens, even when they live together with citizens. Children (“too young”) and “too old men” are not seen as citizen. Aristotle does not mention the status of women (or did I miss it?), but after reading Book 1 I don’t think they are citizens --> "the male is by nature superior, and the female inferior" (Book 1, ch. 5).
So, we can infer that all the other Athenians (male, not too young, not too old, not slaves and Athenians) are citizens.
At the very end Aristotle gives the definition: “He who has the power to take part in the deliberative or judicial administration of any state is said by us to be a citizens of that state; and, speaking generally, a state is a body of citizens sufficing for the purposes of life.”
The definition given by Aristotle is “best adapted to the citizen of a democracy”.

Chapter 2: How can a person become a citizen and what if a person is but perhaps ought not to be a citizen?

“…But in practice a citizen is defined to be one of whom both the parents are citizens”.

Aristotle questions who is to be considered a citizen. Should it be someone that has parents who are citizens? Does it need to go up two, three, or four generations? Aristotle concludes that the problem is still, "How this third or fourth ancestor came to be a citizen?" Who ought to be citizens? Continuing the reading, Aristotle seems to believe that they must free. Free to deliberate of the correct decisions to be made. These decisions will alter the community and allow them to attain the good life. Aristotle believes that even if there are varying forms of communities, that citizenship is defined by the legal requirements of the society.

Chapter 3: When the form of government changes
Chapter 4: Good citizen v good man. When all are good citizens the state is perfect. Not all can be good men. Good citizens have different virtues that together make up the state like the different parts of the body. Furthermore, citizens (with their different abilities) are all working together for a single objective: "the salvation of the community." A good citizen should be able to rule and obey. The only time the virtues of a good citizen and a good man coincide is in a good ruler. A good ruler must be wise.
Chapter 5: Who is and is not a citizen. Different types of citizens/different definitions of a citizen under different forms of government.
Chapter 6: Forms of government: master over slave, household management, politics. Whose interests is the ruler looking out for?
Chapter 7: True forms of government (rulers govern with a view to the common interest) v. perversions (rulers govern with a view to private interests). The true forms of Government: One ruler (kingship or royalty) v. a few (aristocracy) v. many (constitution).
Chapter 8: Tyranny, Oligarchy and Democracy. Problems with definitions of Oligarchy and Democracy: is the difference rule by the wealthy or rule by the poor, or is the difference rule by the majority or rule by the minority, or are these the same things.

Justice
Chapter 9: The end of the state is the good life.
Chapter 10: Who is the supreme power in a state? The unjust consequences of the multitude, the wealthy, the good, the one best man, or the tyrant ruling.
Chapter 11: Why the multitude should be the supreme power.
Chapter 12: Politics and equality: those who are greater in the relevant qualities should have the greater positions.
Chapter 13: Who should rule.
Ostracism = getting rid of those who are far superior to everyone else. Practiced by democracies which aim for equality.
Royalty
Chapter 14: 5 different types of royalty: Lacedaemonian (generalship with power over religion), Barbarian monarchy (legal and hereditary), Dictatorship (elected tyranny--legal but not hereditary), Heroic Monarch (exercised with limited power of voluntary subjects), Kingly Rule (household management of state).
Chapter 15: The two extremes of royalty
Rule by man or rule by law? Rule by law is inflexible and passionless therefore rule by man is better but it should be a large group not an individual ie. Aristocracy not royalty
Chapter 16: Controversies relating to monarchy: limited monarchy/kingship and absolute monarchy, succession, need for advisers or subordinates
Chapter 17: What natures are suited for government by a king, and what for an aristocracy, and what for a constitutional government.
Chapter 18: Conclusion/Summary

Book 7
Chapter 1: The best life for individuals and for the state is the life of virtue. Those who are governed in the best manner will be able to lead the best life.
Chapter 2: The happiness of the individual is the same as the happiness of the state. Is it better to be a philosopher or a statesman? Despotic governments - don't care about justice. It's unlawful to rule without regard to justice
Chapter 3: Not every rule is necessarily a despotic master/slave relationship. Happiness is virtuous activity, and an active life is best for both states and individuals.

Characteristics of a state
Chapter 4: The population should be limited to the minimum number of citizens needed to achieve the good life. A very populous state will be disorderly and impossible to govern well.
Chapter 5: The Territory of the State must be large enough for its inhabitants to live leisurely. It must also be self sufficient, well protected yet positioned for trade and agricultural production.
Chapter 6: Connection with the sea & maritime power. It is better to be connected to the sea for both protection and trade. A naval force in proportion to the size of the state is also beneficial for protection of the state and its neighbors.
Chapter 7: Character of citizens. They should be high-spirited and intelligent.
Chapter 8: Property: food, arts, arms, revenue, worship, power of deciding what's for the public interest.
Chapter 9: Occupation: mechanics, tradesmen, husbandmen not citizens but are a necessary part of the state
two classes: warriors and councillors. Some people may be both at different times.
Priests are the old men of both the warrior and councillor classes
Chapter 10: Distribution of land: private & public
Chapter 11: Situation of city: health, convenient for political administration and war, abundance of springs, some buildings in straight lines others irregular, walls
Chapter 12: Locations of common tables and agoras
Chapter 13: Happiness & virtue of state & man
Chapter 14: All citizens should take turns governing and being governed.
What is necessary eg war and what is honourable eg peace. Use what is necessary to achieve what is honourable
Chapter 15: Leisure. Temperance, courage, endurance justice.

Study Questions

(Add, answer, reformulate, correct, and discuss study questions for this author and reading)
  • What is the difference between political and non-political government?
When I talk about a non-political government in a conversation I am usually referring to a government that is not democratically elected. However I am unsure if this is what we are referring to here. Can anyone help? What is a non-political government. Is it rulers that govern independent from the political realm of modern states, perhaps like religious rulers of the Nation of Islam, or is it referring to despotic governments that rule unelected. If is is the latter, then I think Aristotle (along with other classical thinkers) realised that a political government, survives on the equality of its citizens. A political government could not govern well when there were only very rich and very poor people because the former "could only rule despotically" and the poor could only "be ruled like slaves" leading "to a city, not of free persons but of slaves and masters"- would a city governed like this count as a non-political government.- kurtsharpe kurtsharpe Perhaps a better way of stating the question is what is the difference between the government of a political community and the government of other communities, according to Aristotle - xmarquez xmarquez Jul 28, 2008

What does it mean to say that the state (polis) is natural? In Aristotle’s philosophy, the origin of the cities or polis it is a natural human behavior. Humans beings tend to regroup themselves. It is not a common enemy or fear who makes humans live together. That is not the origin of the “polis”. War is not the origin of the cities. For Aristotle, “polis” is a natural association. For this reason he qualifies human beings as “zoon politikon” ("political animal”). Thus, Aristotle despises Sparta’s political regime because all its institutions are dedicated to war. And for him, a city does not have to think all the time in war. War is tool to reach peace A citation would be useful - xmarquez xmarquez Jul 20, 2008. Also, for him, the fact that a city thinks about war all the time, it is bad because, this city is thinking about its own destruction. But that does not mean Aristotle despises war, on the contrary, he thinks war is always a possibility. War is part of human relation word choice - xmarquez xmarquez Jul 20, 2008.
  • What other (non-political) communities are natural? Are there any "artificial" communities? What distinguishes different communities from one another?
The purpose behind the community makes it natural or unnatural. Groups that create functionality in a persons life are edifying to them unclear - xmarquez xmarquez Jul 20, 2008. To Aristotle, a natural community completes itself or brings about achievement in the end Well, not quite: they satisfy certain natural needs - xmarquez xmarquez. Aristotle uses the term 'good life' to illustrate this concept of completeness due to community. Aristotle begins at the bottom and most fundamental building block when depicting natural communities, family. The hierarchy in ascending order: family (for basic human reproduction), farm (to meet basic sustanance needs), village (to produce the tools needed for the farm to operate), and polis (to reach something above mere sustanance; 'the good life'). What is the function of each of these? This could also be expanded a bit with appropriate citations - xmarquez xmarquez Jul 20, 2008 Aristotle believes there are also economic communities, those in which incorporate and identify some of the previous natural communities. Each community exists to benefit the participants, whether it is the slave abiding by the masters orders, the serf following the guidelines of the owner, or the father teaching his child the difference between right and wrong. In some form, unequal though it may be, each participant adds to the community and inversely the community invests into them. Ways to distinguish communities vary from the number of participants, the gain of those involved, or the status difference between all members. What are the most essential distinctions, though? - xmarquez xmarquez Jul 20, 2008
The difference between a 'natural' community and an 'artificial' community is the basic necessity of belonging to the group. For example; if a person belonged to a chess playing group they could leave at any time without detriment to themselves but if they were to leave their family that would be 'unnatural'.
  • What does it mean to say that human beings are political animals? What makes them political?
Man is the only animal that has been given the gift of rational thought, speech, and a sense of good and evil (justice). Human beings in their 'natural' progression lead to the formation of a political structure - the polis which exists as a mechanism for the sake of the 'good life', one guided by virtue in which humans use their abilities to the fullest.

  • What does the good life mean?
Socrates said that all men desire happiness. For Aristotle to seek the good-life was to promote the fullness of ones nature. Every being has it's own inherent nature, and the good life occurs when these natures are completely fulfilled. A plant has the nature to grow, reproduce, and nourish itself. A good plant will be one that does this fully and will appear healthy and strong. Animals have a higher nature to fulfill then plants with their more acute sensory abilities. Therefore an animal's "good-life" is when it can sense well, be able to move well, have a healthy appetite and more. Humans have an even greater potential nature that brute animals, with the abilities of intelligence and reasoning- so for the good life humans must satisfy all the other basic needs and have the ability of good choice and reason. - kurtsharpe kurtsharpe

man nature has specific powers, namely, intellect, will, and the concupiscible and irascible appetites. And so human happiness is going to lie in the perfection or right ordering of those human powers.
  • What does it mean to say that the state (polis) perfects or completes the family and the household?
Aristotle believe there was a 'natural' progression from the family (which is the smallest unit for procreation), to the household (which provides for the immediate necessities for life), to the village (which provides for the wider economic environment for living, e.g jobs, goods and services) to the polis which completes a human being's (wealthy male citizen) development. This completion in development comes about through the fulfillment of the persons mental requirements, partaking in the arts and politics. This is the good life, what we might call a 'rewarding' life. "And the state is the union of families and villages in a perfect self-sufficing life, by which we mean a happy and honourable life." Aristotle, Book 3, chapter 9, line 40.

Further to this, the state is seen as a perfection of the family as it balances out the imperfect nature of man and also his household. Without the state "the unholiest, the most savage and the most abandoned to gluttony and lust" is created. "Justice belongs to the political society". The state enforces its strive for perfection on individuals through education and habituation, thus protecting the children from the partial mind of the father and giving it to the objective law of the state.

  • What are natural slaves?
Natural slaves are people whose characteristics mean that they are better off being ruled by another. They may have a weak mental capacity for example that means that if they were left to themselves they could not survive or survive very well.

A natural slave is defined (usually) by characteristics unique to the body and the soul. The first characteristic, in terms of the soul, is weakness. The weakness of a soul is the lack of fortitude to govern over others (which is an inherent trait in an individual).
“…he who participates in rational principle enough to apprehend, but not to have, such a principle, is a slave by nature.”

An example of those born with a weakness of the soul is a person born with a servile soul - this encompasses the inability to command authority amongst your peers. In reality those qualities that define a strong or weak soul would derive from learning (e.g. education in reasoning) coupled with the opportunity that comes from your parents status at birth. In Aristotle's day it would seem natural that those who were slaves appeared to be born with a weakness of the soul because the qualities that they learned were those of servitude. The vice versa is also true.

Aristotle compares this weakness to animals. Aristotle however, does not go as far as to equate slaves with animals. Even though the work and service they provide to the master is indistinguishable between a slave and an animal the difference is in the capacity to be able to understand that they should be ruled.
The second characteristic, in terms of the body, is strength. Nature has endowed slaves with the physical capacity to carry out their service.
“Nature would like to distinguish between the bodies of freemen and slaves”.

It is, however, not always true that a slave will be born (or raised) with the characteristics that would have seemed natural to Aristotle. "But the opposite often happens -- that some have the soul and others have the bodies of freemen". 'Nature' in some cases will get it wrong. The type of bodies that Aristotle believes nature endows slaves with are ones that are suited to manual labour, just as the ox and other animals of burden.

  • So is slavery actually compassionate (for those weak of mind)?
Aristotle argues that it is both "expedient and right for the one to be slaves and the others to be masters" (I.VI) It is actually better for the slave to be ruled and, in a sense, taken care of by the master. When this relationship is natural, the slave and the master are friends and working in the same interest.
  • Since Aristotle indicates that slaves are a requirement for the polis; Would the life of a peasant be more dignified for all - as most people would be free (in the aggregate) to pursue activities for their own interests?
  • Do any natural slaves exist, according to Aristotle?

There are two facets to this question, the first is whether Aristotle believe in theory natural slaves existed and the second is whether he believed they actually existed.

Argumentation in favour of the proposition that Aristotle thought there were natural slaves:

Prime facie it does not seem to be in dispute that Aristotle believed that slavery could exist:

  • "it is clear, then, that in some cases some are free by nature and others slaves: for whom slavery is both beneficial and just". (1.5))

In Aristotle's work there is a clear sense of hierarchy. The point behind slavery, for Aristotle is doing what is in the best interest of the man. Some people are meant to govern, while others are meant to be governed. Aristotle believes that some people need to be ruled. He believes that in certain cases, there are people whom it would be better to be slaves then free. An analogy for Aristotle is the similarity between master and slave; and a man and an ox.

It is unclear whether this is in the exclusive realm of theory, or whether Aristotle actual believed some slaves fitted into this analysis.

Argumentation against the proposition that Aristotle in reality thought there were natural slaves:

On the second facet to this question it is the author's opinion that it is a point of interpretation as to whether we construct Aristotle words to mean he actually believed in reality that slaves existed. The question mush be: how many people fit into this category? This point can only be answered by a personal interpretation of the constituent elements of a natural slave.

As noted above a natural slave has a weakness of the soul that creates an inability to command/rule (1.5); it seems reasonable to infer from Aristotle that the strength of a person's soul is linked to their virtue and the stronger that virtue the less likely one is to be ruled. Aristotle however, says that the difference between a ruler and a slave is not a matter of degree but a distinction based on kind:

"the virtue of the ruler we in maintain to be different from that of the subject; the one being the virtue of the rational, and the other of the irrational part"(1.13)

Therefore it seems to suggest that Aristotle believe the balance between the rational side of a human and their irrational side will determine the servile nature of that human (this seems to be a matter of degree and not kind. It may be argued that the imbalance between bands of rulers and those that are ruled are great as to break the nature of degree). Women and children had a ratio that meant they were more irrational than men, therefore subject to rule.

The reasoning then that Aristotle follows seems to become contradictory (or in the author’s opinion a sign that Aristotle did not think natural slavery actually existed), because Aristotle first states that:

"[natural slaves]…since they are men…share in rational principle, [therefore] it seems absurd [to] say that they have no virtue"(1.13). He suggests that being a human endows one with some capacity for rational virtue (id est "temperance, courage justice").

Prima facie this does not seem contradictory, because it would just seem that a small amount of rationality does exist in a slave. Aristotle however, seems to contradict this notion by stating earlier that natural slaves have "no deliberative faculty at all" (1.13). When coupling these two sentiments together the constituents of the people that are natural slaves are at best negligible or at worst non-existent.

Further to the analysis Aristotle argues that there are also people who are slaves, due to war and other instances that do not come within the sphere of his definition of a natural slave. It seem as a matter of pragmatism that they have been relegated to such a position.

  • How can it be good for a natural slave to be ruled by another?
When natural slaves, who are ruled by another, ultimately benefit from being animate tools it is good for both slave and master. Just as a sheep or a cow benefit from being looked after in a nice paddock, with feed and water- so too would natural slaves be better off in being ruled by another. This seems to prove too much - don't most people benefit from beeing fed etc. by others? But the slave does not get to pursue any of his/her own purposes - xmarquez xmarquez Jul 20, 2008 Just as Mill legitimises despotism against the barbarian, natural slavery can be legitimised "provided the end be their improvement". Mill and Aristotle seem to be thinking about different things: if somebody is a natural slave, then he/she cannot be improved (his slavery is natural, not conventional, after all) - xmarquez xmarquez Jul 20, 2008

The relationship between master and slave represents the ability for one man to control another. If a natural slave is a man who works using their bodies, and this is the best that they can do, then it is best for them to be ruled by another. Just as it is advantageous for an animal to be under human control and be protected from predators, a natural slave can benefit from being ruled by another. They have the means to contribute to the polis and the security of having a master to provide for.
  • Are non-Greeks natural slaves?
Aristotle in I.VI makes a comment on the Greek's relativism when it come to slavery; "Wherefore Hellenes do not like to call Hellenes slaves, but confine the term to barbarians... Hellenes regard themselves as noble everywhere, and not only in their own country, but they deem the barbarians noble only when at home, thereby implying that there are two sorts of nobility and freedom, the one absolute, the other relative." In pointing this out Aristotle is clearly indicating that the relativism is relative, the 'Barbarian' nobles would feel the same way towards the Greeks assumedly. The Persian's might treat the Greek nobles as nobles on their own terms, i.e., sending emisaries and so forth, but still consider them the Barbarians relative to themselves.
  • Does Aristotle think Greeks are superior to non-Greeks? Why?
This answer needs evidence - and it is at any rate inconsistent with the answer of the previous question. Aristotle didn't necessarily believe what other Greek citizens believed; and see above. On the other hand, there are citations that might support this position - xmarquez xmarquez Jul 28, 2008 Moreover, the question is why - what reason does he give for the superiority of one people to another? - xmarquez xmarquez Jul 28, 2008

Perhaps a reason why Aristotle assumes barbarians are natural slaves is the distinction he makes between how different societies are ruled. Greeks are ruled politically with inequalities for the benefit of the polis; man and woman, father and child, slave and master. Non-Greeks, such as the Persians, tended to be ruled despotically with one person with total power. Aristotle could have supposed that a society ruled despotically meant that everyone was a slave to their ruler. This could be reason for the belief that Greeks were superior to barbarians.
  • What does it mean to say that the purpose of a "state" (polis) is "the good life"?
The polis as "the good life" may not be good for everyone. The purpose of the state being the good life maybe for those that are the 'citizens' of the state, those with control and wealth. But what about the slaves etc? those who are not citizens may not be the good life?. But on saying this the polis is better then any life as it gives a sense of security, control, and belonging to some sort of community for most. "Polis" are there to grow with power and wealth over each other giving the 'citizens' a sense of power and happyness to their achievements, therefore a "good life".
  • Why do mere relations of interest fail to constitute a political community (Politics 1280b1ff)?
  • Why couldn't law be "a surety to one another of justice", according to Aristotle? Why is the political community not simply an association with a view to common protection and the prevention of harms resulting from the action of others?
The safety and protection of one's own property is necessary for the production of goods and services needed to live own's life. If a political community was only concerned with protecting external harms from impacting on the members of a society, then it would be only concerned with protecting the necessary conditions required for the society to exist. Aristotle's conception of the political community is broader; it should not only protect, but should be in place to ensure a "good" or virtuous life which is above and beyond the basic requirements of existence. Common protection is thus not sufficient to constitute a political community in Aristotle's view.
  • Does Aristotle think that political communities are a kind of "social contract"? Why or why not?
No I don't think Aristotle saw the polis in terms of a social contract agreement. The social-contract exists so that individuals can leave the state of nature, due to fear of violence and death. In a polis, certainly a partnership existed, but this community did not exist to avert injustices or to provide economic stability . As discussed above, it existed to provide the good life- "[the community] exists for the sake of noble actions, not for the sake of living together". - kurtsharpe kurtsharpe

I think it could be considered a social contract, although imagined in a different sense.To put it simply, Aristotle suggests that people form a community to make their lives good. Liberal theorists suggested that people formed a community to stop their lives from being bad.
There is a difference, but I think it's perhaps more subtle than you let on.
- tommathews tommathews

  • What is Aristotle's attitude towards trade? Does he think trade is beneficial to a community? Why or why not?
Aristotle acknowledges that it is necessary to position a city where it is able to participate in trade. States must both import those necessary non-native goods and export those which are found in abundance. Aristotle does, however, argue that a "city ought to be a market, not indeed for others, but for herself." The aim of the city should not be becoming a powerful trading hub in search of large profit, but to gain those goods necessary for the good life of its citizens.

  • How does Aristotle's attitude towards trade compare to modern attitudes? Are modern attitudes an improvement over Aristotle's? Why or why not?
  • What is Aristotle's attitude towards labor? What are his reasons? How does his attitude towards labor relate to his views of a good regime?
  • Does Aristotle defend or condemn democracy?

Before I explain why Aristotle rejects democracy, we have to see how he see the political regimes. For him there are three kind of political regimes:
  • Monarchy
  • Polity
  • Aristocracy
All of them can be corruptible:
  • Tyranny
  • Democracy
  • Oligarchy
The first group of regimes is the good because they look for the common interest. But the second group of the regimes is the bad because they look after only for the interest of their own class:
  • A monarchy is good when the monarch looks for the interest of all the community. Its corruption is tyranny. The tyrant only looks for his own interest.
  • A polity is good when the people look after the common interest. Its corruption is democracy. People look for the interest of poor people.
  • An Aristocracy is good when the aristocrats look after the interest of the city. Its corruption is Oligarchy, when rich people look after interest of rich people.
Like every ancient Philosopher, Aristotle does not agree with democracy or a popular regime. He thinks the city has to be ruled by someone capable of it, someone who has the right education to do it. He does not believe in the mass because is easy to corrupt it. Consider the passages in book 3 about the relatively smaller corruptibility of a group of people: 1286a and following. Does that sound as if Aristotle thought that the mass is more easily corrupted?
  • What is the best sort of regime like, for Aristotle? How does it compare to modern states?
Aristotle thinks, like Polybius, in a mixed regime: the Republic. But his republic is not like we know it. He thinks in a democratic aristocracy. The aristocracy is a group of people who can look after the city’s common interest. And therefore, they have been prepared to do that. They have the right education. *8This is not correct - Polybius for one thing comes later than Aristotle, and Aristotle does not think the truly best regime is mixed - xmarquez xmarquez Jul 24, 2008
  • What would Aristotle think about the Athenians' assertion, in the Melian dialogue, that "justice only enters where there is equal power to enforce it, and that the powerful exact what they can, and the weak grant what they must"?
  • What is a common table and an agora?
  • What is Aristotle's view of war? Is war generally justified?
  • What would be the international role of the best regime?

Lecture Notes

  • Lecture 2, on Thucydides (the Melian dialogue), and beginning on Aristotle.
  • Lecture 3, on natural communities and slavery.
  • Lecture 4, on citizenship and imperfect regimes.
  • Lecture 5, on the role of the people and on monarchy and aristocracy.
  • Lecture 6, on the best regime and beginning on Cicero.

External Resources


Selected Bibliography

  • Finley, Moses. 1980. Ancient Slavery and Modern Ideology. London: Chatto and Windus. Library catalog.
Explores the issue of slavery among the Greeks. Discusses Aristotle's views on natural slavery.
  • Ambler, Wayne. 1987. "Aristotle on Nature and Politics: The Case of Slavery." Political Theory, Vol. 15, No. 3., pp. 390-410. Link.
  • Smith, Nicholas D. 1983. "Aristotle's Theory of Natural Slavery." Phoenix, Vol. 37, No. 2., pp. 109-122. Link.
  • Dobbs, Darrell. 1994. "Natural Right and the Problem of Aristotle's Defense of Slavery." The Journal of Politics, Vol. 56, No. 1., pp. 69-94. Link.
Abstract: Many social theorists, appalled at the moral enormities made possible by the modern scientific conquest of nature, now look to a restoration of classic natural right as a standard for human affairs. But the key role of slavery in Aristotle's magisterial exposition of natural right is typically overlooked. Commentators on Aristotle's account of natural slavery add to the perplexity, charging that this account is culturally biased and logically inconsistent. Such charges play into the hands of the opponents of natural right, whose common theme is the inability of reason to overcome such biases in its search for what is right by nature. Lacking a defense of the moral and theoretical respectability of Aristotle's account of slavery, the restorationists' cause must remain unpersuasive. To provide this defense, I suggest that Aristotle's teleology implies that the natural slave, generally speaking, is made not born. Child-rearing and other cultural practices, which ordinarily promote the natural destiny of mankind, may instead subvert this telos by inculcating a dysfunctional, slavish second nature. Despotic rule may be said to be natural in such cases, and only insofar as it aids the slave in better realizing the telos proper to a human being. Aristotle quite consistently condemns all employments of the slave that are uncongenial to the reformation of slavishness and allows for emancipation in the event of this achievement.